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The UK is may be officially at war and the media ignore it!

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Reply 20
Original post by Good bloke
With the UN you always have to look at the veto-wielding states. Russia, France, Britain and the USA would be onside, but China is always a loose cannon and may want to cause trouble.


Wouldn't China support this if the Russian are involved?
Original post by sw651
Wouldn't China support this if the Russian are involved?


Why? They are not allies, and don't always vote the same way. China voted in favour of the motion to set up an international criminal tribunal investigation into the Flight MH17 air disaster over Ukraine, for instance; Russia vetoed it (obviously).
Reply 22
Original post by Good bloke
Why? They are not allies, and don't always vote the same way. China voted in favour of the motion to set up an international criminal tribunal investigation into the Flight MH17 air disaster over Ukraine, for instance; Russia vetoed it (obviously).


Ah, I just had a think about that and I didn't make much sense, and of course China isn't at much threat
Original post by newpersonage
I agree, Article 42.7 appears to be drawn up so that States must make all the commitment of a war but there is no requirement for a declaration of war.


I haven't looked into the law surrounding this, be it other Treaty provisions or ECJ interpretations, but I think there are two reasons why this is incorrect:

(1) as far as I read Art 42.7, it occasions neither a declaration of war nor a commitment. It says that member states have an 'obligation' of aid and assistance. Duties under an obligation can be kept or broken. Granted, breaking the obligation would give rise to liability for a penalty, but it would also mean that the UK was neither 'at war' nor committed to going to war. I not aware of any compulsive sanction which could be used against the UK to compel it to go to war either.

(2) Art 42.7 makes no mention of having an obligation to commit to war - I believe that you have read war into the category of 'aid and assistance'. Art 42.7 is also qualified by 'This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States.' Therefore, if it is not the policy of the UK to engage in combat operations abroad, at least without the assent of Parliament (a convention which seems to have been repeatedly asserted since 2010), then this provision cannot not be invoked to impose an obligation to commit to combat operations abroad.
Original post by Good bloke
With the UN you always have to look at the veto-wielding states. Russia, France, Britain and the USA would be onside, but China is always a loose cannon and may want to cause trouble.


China is fighting the Uyghurs
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/china-seeks-global-support-against-uyghur-militants/articleshow/49806329.cms
Original post by Nolofinwë
I haven't looked into the law surrounding this, be it other Treaty provisions or ECJ interpretations, but I think there are two reasons why this is incorrect:

(1) as far as I read Art 42.7, it occasions neither a declaration of war nor a commitment. It says that member states have an 'obligation' of aid and assistance. Duties under an obligation can be kept or broken. Granted, breaking the obligation would give rise to liability for a penalty, but it would also mean that the UK was neither 'at war' nor committed to going to war. I not aware of any compulsive sanction which could be used against the UK to compel it to go to war either.

(2) Art 42.7 makes no mention of having an obligation to commit to war - I believe that you have read war into the category of 'aid and assistance'. Art 42.7 is also qualified by 'This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States.' Therefore, if it is not the policy of the UK to engage in combat operations abroad, at least without the assent of Parliament (a convention which seems to have been repeatedly asserted since 2010), then this provision cannot not be invoked to impose an obligation to commit to combat operations abroad.


I think that even a Parliamentary vote against helping the EU would violate the Treaties:

TEU Article 24(3):

"3. The Member States shall support the Union’s external and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity and shall comply with the Union’s action in this area."

Such a violation might not be lightly forgiven.
(edited 8 years ago)
Original post by newpersonage
I think that even a Parliamentary vote against helping the EU would violate the Treaties:

TFEU Article 24(3):

"3. The Member States shall support the Union’s external and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity and shall comply with the Union’s action in this area."

Such a violation might not be lightly forgiven.


It certaintly would. As far as I can tell, however, that observation bears no relevance to either of the points that I made.
Original post by Nolofinwë
It certaintly would. As far as I can tell, however, that observation bears no relevance to either of the points that I made.


Article 42.7 can only be understood in the context of Article 24(3) so although the points you made about obligations and the specific character of members states policies, may or may not be valid they are overridden by 24(3) when things get serious.
Original post by newpersonage
Article 42.7 can only be understood in the context of Article 24(3) so although the points you made about obligations and the specific character of members states policies, may or may not be valid they are overridden by 24(3) when things get serious.


Do you have any citation for this interpretation? I find it rather surprising.

The extent of the obligation in this area of the FASP is defined by Art 42.7. Therefore, the obligation is the wording of the treaty. They have an obligation to be subject to an obligation to aid and assist etc. without prejudice to their national policies. Therefore, my original analysis still applies.

It would also be nonsensical to say that the obligation under A42.7 was without prejudice to their national policies, but then say that that qualification was 'overriden' by another provision (Art 24(3)), because there would be no reason to include the qualification in the first place. It would be meaningless and wholly ineffective, nothing more than wasted words. Therefore, rather than undermining the obligation, the without prejudice clause defines the extent of the primary obligation on the member states.
Original post by Nolofinwë
Do you have any citation for this interpretation? I find it rather surprising.

The extent of the obligation in this area of the FASP is defined by Art 42.7. Therefore, the obligation is the wording of the treaty. They have an obligation to be subject to an obligation to aid and assist etc. without prejudice to their national policies. Therefore, my original analysis still applies.

It would also be nonsensical to say that the obligation under A42.7 was without prejudice to their national policies, but then say that that qualification was 'overriden' by another provision (Art 24(3)), because there would be no reason to include the qualification in the first place. It would be meaningless and wholly ineffective, nothing more than wasted words. Therefore, rather than undermining the obligation, the without prejudice clause defines the extent of the primary obligation on the member states.


Nice reasoning but 24(3) applies to the EU as a separate entity, it is not a member state, and so once the EU Council has taken a decision to support a request under 42.7 I cannot see how a Member State can avoid being subject to 24.3 and hence to 42.7

So my interpretation would be that a Member State can minimize its obligation to another Member State under 42.7 until the EU Council takes a decision (by majority voting since 2014) at which point the luke warm State falls under a total obligation as in 24.3.

Here it is again: 24(3):

"3. The Member States shall support the Union’s external and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity and shall comply with the Union’s action in this area."

I was looking through a couple of legal texts on the treaties and they point to Article 29 of the TEU:

"Member States shall ensure that their national policies conform to the Union’s positions"

Which seems to wrap up the interpretation that if a state applies under 42.7, if the EU Council agrees then all Members are bound under 24.3 and should not have any national reason for exemption because of 29. If the EU goes to war then everyone must follow.
(edited 8 years ago)
Original post by newpersonage
Nice reasoning but 24(3) applies to the EU as a separate entity, it is not a member state, and so once the EU Council has taken a decision to support a request under 42.7 I cannot see how a Member State can avoid being subject to 24.3 and hence to 42.7


The member state does not avoid being subject to either of the Articles, that would be impossible. Instead, the limits of the member-state obligations under Art 42.7 and, consequently, Art 24.3 are deliniated by the qualifications on the obligation under Art 42.7.

In any case, this was a unilateral declaration by France, not an EU council decision.

Original post by newpersonage

So my interpretation would be that a Member State can minimize its obligation to another Member State under 42.7 until the EU Council takes a decision (by majority voting since 2014) at which point the luke warm State falls under a total obligation as in 24.3.


So is your case that the obligation would not arise under Art 42.7 at all, but rather a separate obligation arising through an EC decision which is imposed directly through 24.3? If so, I think the discussion of Art 42.7 has been entirely irrelevant. This would raise an interesting issue of primacy: assuming that the current prerogative to declare war is a principle of the UK constitution, could this be overriden by an action of an EU? The ECJ would say yes, but, subject to pluralism etc., every member state court strenuously denies it.

Original post by newpersonage

Here it is again: 24(3):

"3. The Member States shall support the Union’s external and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity and shall comply with the Union’s action in this area."

I was looking through a couple of legal texts on the treaties and they point to Article 29 of the TEU:

"Member States shall ensure that their national policies conform to the Union’s positions"

Which seems to wrap up the interpretation that if a state applies under 42.7, if the EU Council agrees then all Members are bound under 24.3 and should not have any national reason for exemption because of 29. If the EU goes to war then everyone must follow.


Again, this returns to two previous points I made:
(i) Interpretive reasoning: this reasoning requires Art 24.3, and now Art 29 too, to override the 'no prejudice' qualification in Art 42.7, because it essentially says, in Art 42.7, that "even though we have made a decision, etc., you, state X, can act with no prejudice to your national policies", while 24.3 says "we have made a decision, and therefore you must act regardless of your national policies".

(ii) Competence-based reasoning: The Union is limited in the extent to which it can demand conformity with the "union's positions" and "union's actions" in this particular and very special area of CFAS policy, because the treaty provision in this regard is qualified. reading the provision, member states have not conferred power on the EU to demand action in response to an armed attack that prejudices national policies, and therefore they have no power to make such a demand.
Original post by Nolofinwë

(ii) Competence-based reasoning: The Union is limited in the extent to which it can demand conformity with the "union's positions" and "union's actions" in this particular and very special area of CFAS policy, because the treaty provision in this regard is qualified. reading the provision, member states have not conferred power on the EU to demand action in response to an armed attack that prejudices national policies, and therefore they have no power to make such a demand.


The EU can amend its competencies by a unanimous vote at Council.

The solidarity clause was introduced to avoid the reasoning that you are advancing. What is the use of the EU if it cannot defend itself? It was the most significant change to the treaties in the Lisbon Treaty. The French, Germans, Spanish and Italians are all on record as wanting the EU to have an independent defence posture. Given these two factors I would guess that a failure of the British to show solidarity would seriously sour relations even if the pro-EU, anti-EU-Treaty Brits (ie: the pro-EU lobby) could legally wriggle out of any demands for action.
I think the significance of this is lost on many. We are dealing with a clear attack my another functioning government.

While IS may not be recognised, it is for most purposes a country, with a government, army, incomes etc. This isnt an attack from a terrorist group, it is a state attacking another state.

The UK stood by, and through inaction millions of poles were killed by Germans. Britain should not let their alliances remain empty.
Original post by 16Characters....
At war with terrorism? We already knew that.

If you are suggesting that we are in a state of war with another state then I disagree; the Islamic State is neither a state nor a representation of Islam.


I think it's time we started dropping Napalm on Islamic State. We need to show them no mercy and show them brute force
You'd think if this rule was binding that Tony Blair would have heard about it and wouldn't have had so much trouble with France opposing the Iraq war under Chirac. He could have forced all EU states to be involved in the war for freedom.

But if we are really required to take part in war we could start by carrying out bombing raids in France. If there are terrorist cells in France that's a lot more on our doorstep than Syria so we need to act and we could also provide funding and weapons to groups that fight them - the French skinhead Nazis would no doubt love to take out Islamic terrorists so why not supply them with weapons?

The French do this kind of thing regularly so would understand our tactics.
Original post by newpersonage
The EU can amend its competencies by a unanimous vote at Council.
.


Which it would not be able to do, therefore, in face of British opposition. Anyway, since no vote of this sort has been passed, we are not at war or committed to war at the moment.

Original post by newpersonage

The solidarity clause was introduced to avoid the reasoning that you are advancing.


Citation?

Original post by newpersonage
What is the use of the EU if it cannot defend itself?


Economic union? Defence is not the only reason for establishing international treaties.

Original post by newpersonage
The French, Germans, Spanish and Italians are all on record as wanting the EU to have an independent defence posture.


But there can me a large difference between what the law is, and what certain member states may want the law to be.

Original post by newpersonage
Given these two factors I would guess that a failure of the British to show solidarity would seriously sour relations even if the pro-EU, anti-EU-Treaty Brits (ie: the pro-EU lobby) could legally wriggle out of any demands for action.


I don't like the overtones of 'wriggle out', because quite clearly (as I explain above) there is no prima facie obligation. Does a 'murderer' 'wriggle out' of a murder conviction when he points out that his victim is not actually dead? Otherwise, this proves my original point: by the operation of EU law, we are not already at war or committed to it. There may be a political backlash, but one could expect that when declining an ally's request for assistance whether or not there is an article in an international treaty covering the situation.




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Original post by MagicNMedicine
You'd think if this rule was binding that Tony Blair would have heard about it and wouldn't have had so much trouble with France opposing the Iraq war under Chirac. He could have forced all EU states to be involved in the war for freedom.


The Lisbon Treaty was only signed in 2009 and the national vetoes were only finally removed last November.
Original post by Nolofinwë
Anyway, since no vote of this sort has been passed, we are not at war or committed to war at the moment.


This thread is about the fact that the EU Treaties are about loyalty and solidarity. They state this in several places. The Commission and Council are always mentioning working together, acting as one. The Treaties also state clearly that security and foreign policy are EU competences.

At a first read through Articles 24.3 and 42.7 of the Treaty on European Union, as well as several articles elsewhere in the Treaties, say that EU countries should support each other loyally and with solidarity.

What you have succeeded in doing is to point out that a state that was determined to avoid solidarity and loyalty to the EU could indeed avoid it. The UK could walk away from supporting French or EU action. You used legalistic excuses but, of course, a nuclear armed state can simply renege on any alliance and justify itself after the act. Any country that has sufficient power can renege on any international treaty.

So, yes, we are probably, at present, in full support of France and the EU according to the Treaties until we have a vote in Parliament that ignores the spirit of these Treaties. We can then weasel our way out of appearing treacherous by pointing out the "without prejudice" caveat in 42.7 etc.

It is interesting that the pro_EU lobby are disloyal wherever possible. It is probably the attraction of disloyalty to the UK that makes them pro-EU in the first place. Anti-EU people are loyal to the people of the UK and would be horrified at being drawn into an EU war.
Original post by newpersonage
This thread is about the fact that the EU Treaties are about loyalty and solidarity. They state this in several places. The Commission and Council are always mentioning working together, acting as one. The Treaties also state clearly that security and foreign policy are EU competences.


Sorry, I was obviously under the mistaken apprehension that your first post, which established the purpose of the thread as far as I can tell, was just the citation of a number of legal articles to demonstrate that the operation of EU law meant that the UK was already at war.

Original post by newpersonage
At a first read through Articles 24.3 and 42.7 of the Treaty on European Union, as well as several articles elsewhere in the Treaties, say that EU countries should support each other loyally and with solidarity.


Loyalty and solidarity do not automatically demand coordinated military action. That would certainly be a way to demonstrate loyalty and solidarity, but not the only one.

Original post by newpersonage
What you have succeeded in doing is to point out that a state that was determined to avoid solidarity and loyalty to the EU/to not be compelled beyond the extent of the treaty commitment to the EU which it has made could indeed avoid it. The UK could walk away from supporting French or EU action. You used legalistic excuses (because you opened with a legalistic argument) but, of course, a nuclear armed state can simply renege on any alliance and justify itself after the act. Any country that has sufficient power can renege on any international treaty.


Of course it can. However, your initial claim - "The UK is may be officially at war and the media ignore it!" - was that we could already be at war, which, again, your post now denies. I will not continue in the debate if you are now modifying the question to suit your argument, so these are my last words.

Original post by newpersonage
So, yes, we are probably, at present, in full support of France and the EU according to the Treaties until we have a vote in Parliament that ignores the spirit of these Treaties. We can then weasel our way out of appearing treacherous by pointing out the "without prejudice" caveat in 42.7 etc.


Again, 'wriggle'/'weasel' have the wrong overtone, because we are simply recognising that there is no obligation, not even prima facie. I'm sure we are in support of France, but that doesn't mean that we've automatically joined a war with them. Britain declares war through the exercise of the royal prerogative, but not such exercise has yet taken place in this saga.

Original post by newpersonage
It is interesting that the pro_EU lobby are disloyal wherever possible. It is probably the attraction of disloyalty to the UK that makes them pro-EU in the first place. Anti-EU people are loyal to the people of the UK and would be horrified at being drawn into an EU war.


I'm not sure quite what this paragraph means, but how is it disloyal to do what Treaty asks you to do, but nothing more? Sure, France may not like it, but the UK would adhere to its UK obligation without declaring war. If France wanted to change this, it would benefit from negotiating a bilateral Treaty with the UK to gain whatever terms it felt it needed beyond the EU Treaty.
Original post by newpersonage
The Lisbon Treaty was only signed in 2009 and the national vetoes were only finally removed last November.


So this means Cameron has authorisation to go ahead and start bombing Syria?

He can tell Parliament that although Parliament opposed it, we are bound by a commitment to the EU to go to war, which overrules the sovereignty of a mere provincial British authority like Parliament.

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