ITBP – post 43 Is not the exclusion of man from his most basic needs a fundamental factor of property ownership?
Humans’ right to property is determined by the fundamental physiological demands imposed on all humanity by their need to exist on the Earth. That right is basic to human existence, a natural right (if a population determines that there are such rights) that in the case of food and shelter (basic human rights according to the UN and EU) makes any humanly contrived legal property ownership subordinate to natural right (in extremis) in any society that aspires to equitable treatment of its population. Where those rights clash a society’s responsibility is to support an individual’s property right until it threatens another citizen’s means of subsistence (food and shelter). The majority of people today can no longer seek out their own food and shelter in an open landscape. As developed civilized society is presently constructed very few individuals can physically provide for themselves and their dependants. Almost everyone is dependent on others to provide their needs and wants through the use of a medium of exchange. Most people have become reliant on other peoples’ willingness (based on their own perceived self-interest) to protect them from threats within and without their community and for the means of acquiring their natural rights to food and shelter.In settled community’s the threat to an individual’s natural right to food and shelter comes from the millions who live cheek by jowl in an area that cannot feed them (it can shelter them). In primitive societies the responsibility for delivering a family’s natural needs rested with the adult humans but once a family is subsumed in a community then its freedom of action becomes in varying degrees circumscribed and any restrictions increase in direct proportion to the size of the community. The community’s arrangements for compensating civilized humans (by increasing their rights) for the restrictions placed on them providing for their own subsistence are a telling indicator of the extent, magnitude and maturity of its political development. Individual striving within the areas we live cannot even provide subsistence for oneself never mind a dependent family. The absolute dependence on others (the result of our biological success) necessitates the development of a coherent theory of property that encourages stability and provides the food and shelter upon which life depends. Large areas of land additional to the living area need to be secured and that imperative sets one groups wants against an individual’s needs (the servicing of a societies wants are an additional considerable, but not essential, reason to appropriate even more land). Supplying urban society’s food requirements requires organization. Those doing the supplying will not be putting food on anyone’s plate (they can put it on their own) if they do not have secure property rights (so they benefit directly from their effort). Because of human biological success urban societies are hostage to their demand for food from land that someone else occupies. The incentive for those on agricultural land to provide the urban population with its sustenance is provided by material reward, the market is the arena where the relative value of those products are mediated. The political arena is the place where the relative power of the producer and consumer are mediated.
The straightforward answer to the question posed by ITBP is yes. The rationale for excluding others from land when populations were a tiny fraction of today’s was solely selfishness but unless the more powerful individual or population was of a homicidal character the weak could move somewhere else, that option no longer applies. The use of land as a common good has a long history and land held in common is a viable form of land use it was a ubiquitous part of landholding in the UK. The commons provided a subsistence livelihood (and sometimes a comfortable one) for the poor. Inevitably avaricious members of society threatened this co-operative arrangement and, as they became wealthy enough, conspired over a period of hundreds of years to appropriate it. It took so long because of fluctuations in the rural economy and because the monarchy, in its own self-interest, often protected its poorer subject’s entitlements in order to keep its richer subjects in their place. Once the monarch’s powers had been appropriated by parliament the landowning MP’s, and their associates, in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries (just like the American administrators, merchants and financiers did before and after the revolution), carved up the common (native) land between themselves (for the most part they did make them more productive) and increased the poverty of many of the poor (those with no other means of subsistence). In the UK that action necessitated an increased poor rate (local tax) which, inevitably the enclosers, who had the ongoing benefit, complained about paying. This form of State sponsored (the large landowners ran the State) land appropriation could not have been imposed if each individual of the nation had an inalienable interest in the territory. This would not have stopped the advance of enclosure since the economic case for it would eventually result in a majority of a democratically organized community selling the common interest in the land market rather than have parliament (stuffed with the landowners who would benefit directly from their legislation) forcing that result. State sponsored appropriation of the nation’s land has been a feature of land acquisition throughout history because those (of whatever political complexion) realise the significance of land in individual wealth creation, the more people hold land, no matter how small, the more interest they have in stability and resistance to taxation (they need to accept a certain level of taxation to maintain the stability necessary to enjoy a level of freedom in the State and maintain the nation’s natural and fiat rights). The exclusion of man from his most basic needs is a fundamental factor of property ownership through necessity, land held in common can produce as much if not more than much of the land in private ownership but land held in common is critically hostage to human nature for its productivity, the slacker and freeloader ensure its demise. The slacker and freeloader are removed by the more successful private enterprises.